Copyright © 2005 Tom Ludvigson. All rights reserved.
CHAPTER 6: TRIP IV: 27.3.76 - 30.7.76
6.1 Hiring a carrier
6.2 Patua's
mitin
6.3 My illness:
maumau
and
tapu
6.4 Patua's illness
6.5 Sorcery
6.6 Memei on Patua
6.7Varavara
at Duria
6.8 Patua's
patua
6.9 Patua's death
6.10 Patua's
mitin.
Ria
lore
6.11
Vavaulu:
Noti Uina
6.12 Secret movements
6.13 Vekrai's warning
6.14 Sulu on Patua's
patua
6.15 A bride for Kavero
6.16 Tokito Meresin's leaves
6.17 Children, sex andvavaulu
6.18
Vavaulu:
Linsus
6.19
Vavaulu:
Krai Tui, Eilili and I
6.20
Ria
and
Tamate
6.21
Pataika
and
ani malino
6.22 Review
6.1
Hiring a carrier
Sulu and I landed at Pekoa airfield on Santo at the end of
March 1976. After three days on the coast, arranging for
fresh medical supplies and shopping at Canal, we set off
for the hills. Owing to a series of misadventures we didn't
get started until late in the afternoon. Because of this we
spent the night in Patumariv, the last in a string of
relatively new villages along the main track inland from
Narango - bush people drawn to the area by the promise of
easy money at the market at Canal since the coastal road
had been extended to Narango.
There were six of us now. Apart from Sulu and myself there
were four people from our valley whom we had picked up on
the coast. Returning home from plantation work they helped
carry my baggage: notebooks, gifts and medicines. They were
all Tohsiki-speakers from the other side of the Ari from
Truvos - Tokito Meresin and his grandson Timol from
Tonsiki, Memei from Duria, and a young man from further
down the valley, named Maloi - the "shoot" of the
kleva
from Lotunae. He had just returned to Santo after six years
away at work - five in New Caledonia and one at Vila. The
others seemed to know him well, though I had never seen him
before.
The following morning we left Patumariv with one more
carrier added to our party. Alo Koro who had put us up in
his house for the night came with us.
Sulu and I discussed the arrangement. Our track up to
Patumariv from Narango had shown that we were a bit
overloaded and could do with more help to carry all my
luggage.
Sulu told one man wasn't enough: I had to hire two. This
was an area where many people were reputed to have
patua
and
vezeveze.
If there was only one extra carrier and he returned home on
his own and was attacked on the way, we would run the risk
of getting the blame. But if there were two of them, they
would both be all right. Safety in numbers.
Reluctantly I agreed, wondering if this perhaps was a
scheme to relieve me of a few extra dollars for easy work.
But when Sulu put the proposition to Alo Koro it all seemed
straightforward.
Inku asem mo tei,
said Sulu: "You on your own is bad". There was no further
explanation - though the rest was left implicit Alo Koro
seemed to know what Sulu meant. Arrangements were then made
for an extra man to accompany us.
When that man didn't show up in the morning as we were
about to leave, Alo Koro came with us on his own, after
all. Not all the way - he left us resting among the
weathered remains of an abandoned village at a place called
Urepul, and turned back down the track we had come up -
alone. Perhaps Sulu's suggestion that he take a companion
had convinced him of our good intentions.
6.2 Patua's
mitin
Back again in Kuvutana I was pleased to find my language
practice with Sulu in New Zealand paying off. I was now
finally able to follow the kava conversations with ease,
and contribute my own comments and accounts in Kiai when
called for. As a result I was flooded with information - so
much of what I heard said around me seemed pertinent to my
investigation, deepening my understanding of topics until
then obscure, or simply adding texture to familiar themes.
I had only been in Kuvutana for a few days when a rambling
kava conversation touched on a matter still opaque to me:
Patua's "meeting". This time we had gathered to drink in
Sulu's spacious new house. In addition to the local
die-hards there were a few guests in the assembly: Maloi
had stayed on at Kuvutana since the day we arrived; Piloi's
older brother Kavero was visiting from Namoro and Pune
Tamaravu had come from across the Ari - they all slept in
Sulu's house where there was plenty of room.
Our guests had been helping with the preparations for two
new houses about to be built at Vorozenale. For three days
they had been sewing thatch up there - first one day for
Kavten, then one day for Lahoi, then another day for Kavten
again. By now most of the recent news and important matters
for discussion had been dealt with, and the kava talk moved
aimlessly from topic to topic in a series of loose
associations.
One of our Moris-speaking neighbours to the east had
refused some travellers a roof for the night recently, as
they had arrived at the house at dusk, on their way to
Vanafo. They had had to continue to the next nearest
habitation at Lotunae, where they were given shelter for
the night.
Takun tei,
"a bad man".
He is getting old, said someone, and the topic shifted to
the plight of the aged: "hard" men who had been feared in
the past were becoming "soft" with old age. An example was
Lisa's "shell" Korian. Reputed to be the oldest man in the
valley - they said he had even eaten human flesh in his
childhood - he was now all but housebound at Tonvara,
looked after by his younger clansmen, Maliu Kot and his
brothers.
Life was harder for old men these days; more so than in the
past. Nowadays young men wouldn't follow the custom of days
gone by and garden regularly for their fathers-in-law. Here
Pune raised his voice in a short speech: as long as there
are old men at his wife's home a man should go there and
garden for them! Pune was himself just reaching the age
when this matter became relevant. One of his daughters was
married to Pos Vea at Vunpepe and another one was old
enough to marry off - perhaps to get a wife for her
brother, Vohia Oloran. I got the impression from what Pune
said that your wife's village should be like a home away
from home, with a lot of time spent there.
Someone pointed out that there were a few old men at
Truvos, but none at Duria. Someone else added that though
there were many children at Truvos, there were hardly any
at Duria. Juxtaposed, the two statements seemed to paint
our neighbours as less fortunate - another settlement
threatened by extinction - and I thought I could detect a
note of self-satisfied glee in the comparison.
Zara i pai koro,
"the place will dry up."
It was the women's fault, of course. Some of them had
"leaf" to stop them getting pregnant. They
lesia la lolo i pon,
"saw it during the night." A childless woman was mentioned
by name as probably having dreamed herself some
contraceptive charm.
Now someone elaborated on the plight of our neighbours at
Duria. Because there was so few children there, it was hard
to get wives for their young men. Especially for Pos Mol -
a tall but shy boy in his early twenties, sharing a house
with his widowed mother at Duria in between bouts of
plantation labour on the coast.
It was then I heard
mitin noni Patua,
"Patua's meeting", mentioned, as if there was some implicit
connection between those mysterious "talks" and our
neighbours' misfortune. I pricked up my ears, hoping for
some new revelation about the activities of this strange
wizard, but all the talked about was the Pos names that he
had conferred on people. Maloi had not been given one -
perhaps he had been away from the valley at the time of
Patua's
mitin?
It started at Duria, said Lisa, then it came here to
Truvos, then it proceeded further inland - he gestured with
an arm towards the hills at the head of our valley.
Komikomi lavul,
he added philosophically after a moment's silence: "Many
ideas".
6.3 My illness:
maumau
and
tapu
A week after my arrival back in Kuvutana Lisa left the
hamlet, going with little Riki and our visitor Maloi to the
Peiorai valley, about a day's walk north of our area. They
were going to visit Patua, who lay ill in a house at a
place called Vuties, close to where he had been born on the
eastern side of the Peiorai gorge. Then they were going on
down to the forested flatlands between the hill country and
Big Bay to the north - free of settlements and harbouring
both pigs and cattle gone wild off European plantations it
was a choice area for hunting. There they were to join
Maitui and Ai Rovo from Palakori who were catching calves
with an eye to selling them to raise money for an overdue
brideprice. Ai Rovo's younger brother Kila, resettled at
Namoro, had eloped with a girl from the Vailapa valley
while Sulu and I were away.
So I learned that Patua was ill. As usual, I noted with
sarcasm - he had been ailing at least in rumours throughout
my stay on Santo, but not obviously suffering when I met
him.
While Lisa and Riki were away at Peiorai I got ill. A bout
of diarrhoea in the early hours of the morning left me
feeling rotten, unable to sleep until just before dawn, and
then with a nightmare. Next I had to go through the tedious
rigmarole of sterilization and infection, as Varalapa came
to me from Matanzari with a sick child.
She brought me some plantains. I roasted a few of them in
my fire and ate a small meal, but still didn't feel up to
writing fieldnotes. Instead I finished a book I had brought
with me from New Zealand, spending most of my day around
the house, feeling miserable.
As the day drew to a close, they started drinking kava over
at Sulu's house. Two old "brothers" of Popoi's from further
south were visiting Kuvutana: Krai Vosavosa from Moriulu
and Krai Poporo from Tataikala, both villages in the upper
Vailapa valley.
Vosavosa had come to me with an eye infection a few days
back. As I was a bit short of the little tubes of ointment
required to treat his condition I didn't want to give him
one to take home. Instead he stayed on at Kuvutana for some
days, coming to me twice a day for treatment, and long,
rambling conversations. At night he slept in Sulu's house.
Poporo had only just arrived that day. He had come
to
usi Kuku,
I was told, to "ask for Kuku" - the teenage daughter of
Vuro Kiki and Noti Pelo, sharing the first house on the
Kuvutana side of Vorozenale.
Their presence in Kuvutana attracted both Kavten and Mol
Paroparo from Vorozenale, apart from Popoi Trivu and
temporary Kuvutana resident Kavero, to an evening's kava
talk in the spacious front half of Sulu's house. Though I
didn't feel much like drinking any of the brew in my
condition - I had more than once wondered if perhaps all
the kava I had consumed during these interminable nights
was the cause of my persistent alimentary disorders - I too
went up there, drawn by the many voices coming from the
other side of the hamlet.
It turned into a lively evening, with Vosa making lengthy
speeches about both the Nagriamel movement, and
voli pita:
"paying for women". The latter practice was currently being
revived in a number of hamlets closer to the coast, after a
temporary demise in the wake of Mol Valivu's efforts in the
fifties to replace it with straight exchange of
women.
A kai rono vosai!
"They don't take heed!"
Maybe my own misery was clearly visible to all the
assembled, or perhaps someone who knew my condition
mentioned it - in any case my recurrent dysentery was
eventually brought up for discussion. In response I myself
attempted a short speech on the topic. I blamed the people
coming here from far and wide, bringing me their illnesses,
wanting medicines. Often they were complete strangers,
sometimes even from villages fairly close to the South
Coast. They should to Vanua instead, the "dresser"
stationed at Vailapa village on the coast. I was thoroughly
fed up with the incessant requests for treatment at the
time and spoke strongly, using second person as if the
people concerned were with us inside the house, as I had
often heard others do, for emphasis, when speaking out
against something.
I got my share of
Ee! Sabo!
and
Luleukun!
in agreement - "Yes! Just so! True!" Then Vosa replied that
it was just the same with him - his eyes had gone bad from
people coming to him for
maumau.
A vati na nora masulu, nora taitai stil, nora varavara
tei mo somai,
said Vosa: "They bring their anger, their secret sex and
their bad disputes." I heard it a list of causes of
disease, brought to the healer by the afflicted evildoers.
It was the same with Mol Sale.
Matana mo vuso,
"his eyes are white", for the same reason. I hadn't yet
heard about this. Since I last saw Mol Sale he had
contracted some eye disease that had all but blinded him,
leaving him housebound at Zinovonara.
Vosa added that he had warned dresser Vanua of the same
thing - people bringing him their diseases and going home
well, leaving the sickness with him.
Next Popoi and Mol Paroparo came over one by one to where I
was sitting, and placed spells on my stomach. This was fair
exchange -
mo tuenika,
"he helps us", said Vosa, so they would help me.
Ka kavu na panem,
said Popoi, "I'll hold your stomach." What he did looked
very similar to his performance that other time at Miremire
- stroking my abdomen with one hand while running through
the formula, then gripping me around the waist and pressing
his thumbs into my stomach while spitting the spell into my
insides. He did this four times.
Watching his lips I listened carfully to see if I could
make out what he was saying. The first two cycles Popoi
didn't form any words at all with his lips; he just
whistled through his teeth, a barely audible melody, over
and over again. The last two cycles he mumbled. I couldn't
make sense of any of it - I could hardly hear him - but I
noticed a rhythm to his mumblings, much like the rhythm of
the melody he'd whistled. His hand mimicked the same rhythm
in short fast but gentle strokes.
Mol Paroparo in his turn just pressed his thumbs into the
centre of my stomach from the outset, and held the grip
around my waist all the way through his repeated mumbling
and spitting.
As I arrived home in Lisa's house later that night Voimapu
was there, spending the evening with Vekrai while Mol
Paroparo drank kava. When she learned that he and Popoi
Trivu had placed spells on my stomach she warned me to
avoid certain foods, because if I ate them it would spoil
the
maumau.
One was
olo,
coconut, by now a familiar item for avoidance. Two of the
others I had already been warned off in the past when ill
with diarrhoea: the common
oke
leaves, "island cabbage" - because when cooked they
were
takolas,
"slippery" - and
viso,
"cane shoots", a frequent ingredient in puddings when ripe
at the end of the wet season. The remaining two were more
of a refreshment for when in the bush than a part of the
staple diet:
mol,
the local variey of orange and
tovo,
sugarcane.
The following day the treatment continued, first in the
morning when Popoi and Vosa came to me and "pressed my
stomach", then at evening kava in Mol Paroparo's house at
Vorozenale, when he too repeated the
maumau
of the night before. And the morning after that all three
of them came and renewed the spells again.
It was soon common knowledge among the local people that
three old men were treating me with spells, and they were
all very supportive, particularly regarding my diet. No one
offered me any of the foods I had been told to refrain
from. Instead they took special care to help me abide by
the rules, as when Popoi Trivu brought some steaming
plantain pudding wrapped in a leaf to me on Lisa's
verandah, where I was sitting writing as usual. It was my
share of the pudding - Popoi had taken it aside as they
were about to drench the rest in coconut milk over in his
house, and I wouldn't be able to have any of that.
Vekrai roasted me taro in her mat-side fire - it was hot
food, and better for me than the taro from the ovens that
we usually ate cold. if I wanted oven taro I should eat it
when fresh off the stones and still hot. Someone else gave
me
via ara,
a reddish variety of Xanthosoma, to roast and eat. It was
particularly good for me, I was told, as it was
kilan,
"hard".
The next day my health returned, whether as a result of
the
maumau,
the diet, or the tablets from my own stores that I had been
taking. I approached Kavero with a query: how long would I
have to keep my food taboos, now that the
maumau
was over and I was well again?
Another week, he told me, much to my dismay. I was already
tired of the strictures -
oke
leaves were frequently the only food available to eat with
taro, leaving me to eat boring taro with salt - like Pos
Vea on the day when I offered him yam with fish. And I
liked coconut milk on my pudding, a sweet treat in a rather
stodgy and monotonous diet.
Vekrai told me after that it was only
korekorei noni Zimtas:
"Zimtas' bluff" - Zimtas was another of Kavero's several
names. I needn't wait for another week, she said; I could
eat whatever I wanted to from now on - and I did.
6.4 Patua's illness
Lisa and Riki returned late one afternoon after nine days'
absence, bringing beef and pork sealed and cooked in half a
dozen sections of bamboo. One they left with Lisa's in -
laws at Vunpati; the rest was to be shared out to all the
householders at Truvos. They also brought a calf that they
had caught at Peiorai, now belonging to a proud Riki - it
was his first beast.
That night we drank kava in Lisa's house again, listening
to news and hunting stories from his trip away, while a
heavy rain thundered down on the thatch above our heads.
Lisa had been to Vuties. Patua was there, he was really ill
this time, and none of the
maumau
done to cure him seemed to do him any good.
The next day Sulu left for Peiorai, in spite of the
continuing bad rain. I asked him if he was going there to
treat Patua with spells, but Sulu told me no - both he and
Popoi Trivu had already tried that in the past, to no
avail. He was only going there to visit.
During the days that followed I heard a lot of talk about
Patua's illness. It was now one of the main topics being
churned over at our nightly gatherings, with Lisa the main
source of information on the sick
kleva's
precise state of health, and the treatment being applied,
while others suggested different remedies that might be
more successful in effecting a cure.
Someone commented on the rainy weather: was it
perhaps
usa noni Patua,
"Patua's rain"? I knew he wasn't talking about weather
magic - a heavy rain could be a sign of a death somewhere.
Perhaps Patua had already died, in far-off Vuties?
There was also talk of his wife Voitrivu, again left behind
at Duria, going to Vuties to
valaulu isina,
"confess to him", whatever transgression of hers might lie
behind his affliction. This in turn triggered a discussion
of his shaky marriage: if Voitrivu were to divorce him,
what then about Vematankin?
I had heard it all before - inevitably the failure of one
of two exchange marriages put the other one in jeopardy. If
one bride's relatives took her back home, the other one's
kin were likely to retaliate by doing the same. Even though
Pos Vea and Vematankin had settled down amicably together
at Vunpepe and now had two small children to look after,
the trouble between Patua and Voitrivu constituted a
potential threat to their marriage.
A few days later Lahoi told me that he had heard what
sounded like a crying sound from the other side of the
river - he thought Patua finally had died, and our
neighbours were crying over him. When I mentioned this
later at evening kava, my companions again brought up the
recent rain - more "evidence", though as it turned out
these suspicions were wrong. Patua was still alive.
Another rainy day I was sitting on Lisa's verandah, writing
as usual, when a neighbour from further up river walked
into Kuvutana at the far end by Sulu's house. It was Aliki
from Tapunvepere, on his way home in the downpour with a
load of taro in two well-balanced bunches one at each end
of the pole carried on his shoulder. When he got close he
put the load down and ducked under the verandah thatch for
shelter, with a comment on the weather. Perhaps this was
usa noni Patua: "Patua's rain"?
Savai zalo paravu soena,
I retorted. "What a long illness like that!"
Aliki must have heard my comment as a question, judging by
his reply:
Vara kiai nona vanu tei tauae.
"Perhaps he has bad things."
6.5 Sorcery
We had no more news of Patua for several days. The time
went by with some people preparing the new house sites at
Vorozenale, and me working on my notes, battling with a
fresh backlog that had gradually accumulated since my
arrival back on Santo.
After some days of dedicated writing and new interruptions
I finally had it all up to date again, and decided totake a
short holiday from my books among our neighbours on the
other side of the river. Memei had built himself a new
house at a place called Tonokara, only couple of minutes'
walk from Duria, and had invited me to come and stay for a
few days whenever I could tear myself away from my
paperwork. Now seemed a good time for it. Though it was
near dusk I packed the obligatory bag of medicines and
started down the Vunpepe track.
Later that night, at Tonvara, I learned from Memei of
further developments concerning Patua. A crowd of Duria
people had returned that day from a hunting expedition to
the flatlands further north, where Lisa and, later, Sulu
had gone. They had brought news: Kinglu, the
kleva
from Vatroto, had expressed his view of Patua's
illness.
Tuape mo veia ini na vanu tei,
"someone did him with a bad thing", explained Memei in
fluent Kiai. Married to a Kiai-speaking woman, Voimano
Revrev, he ahd a better command of the language than most
Tohsiki-speakers - they usually adressed me in Bislama,
knowing that I didn't understand their vernacular.
I queried Memei's euphemism, but the reply remained vague:
someone had taken a bit of Patua's loincloth and put it
somewhere.
In a tree-fern trunk, maybe, I suggested.
Vara Kiai, countered Memei: "Perhaps."
Just two weeks before then i had learned the details of
this form of maleficent magic from Eilili and Tavui
Pulupulu. It was the night before Lisa returned from the
hunt. The three of us were drinking on our own in Eilili's
house - we used a minimum of water and made the kave really
strong that night.
We ate some Patunvava taro. They were a strange shape -
oddly elongated, but widening at the stem; a bit like
old-fashioned grenades. A contingent of Patunvava people
had presented me with six cooked taros and a length of
bamboo stuffed with cooked prawns, when they came to me for
medicine earlier that day. Old Vepei had fetched me from my
by now no longer secret writing hideout in the paddock
where the Vunpepe track runs downhill from Truvos. I was
annoyed at the interruption, but in the face of the food
gift I held my tongue. Later I distributed the food - a
portion of taro and prawns to each household in Kuvutana.
We were now eating some of Eilili's share.
My companions warned me never to eat Patunvava taro if the
stem was missing. It could have been broken off
deliberatley, to be used for sorcery. They were known to do
this in that village. All they needed to kill you was a bit
of your food, or some other object intimately connected
with your person: a necklace, a piece of loincloth or a
towel, or some of your hair.
This was why we always took great care to hide our taro
peelings when stopping for a half-way meal at Urepul on our
way to and from the coast, they explained. It was the
people "down", the Moris-speakers on the south-eastern
fringes of the mountains, that practised these arts - like
the people of Patunvava.
The sorcerer picks up the object, without touching it -
Pulu demonstrated with a bit of taro peel, wedging it
between two sticks of dry cane kindling and lifting it off
the floor. Then the sorcerer chops a standing
malavu
tree-fern off in the middle and puts the object inside the
soft core of the trunk, still standing. As the tree dies,
the victim gets thinner and thinner, wasting away.
That indeed sounded like Patua. He was getting worse, said
Memei. Sulu was with him now, according to the returned
hunters, stopping at Vuties for a few days on his way back
from the hunt, to
maui
Patua,
"treat Patua with spells."
Memei told me that a
varavara
("talk") had been called at Duria for the next day. The
purpose of the meeting was to get the alleged sorcerer,
whoever it was, to call a halt to his slow killing of
Patua.
6.6 Memei on Patua
Memei was Patua's "brother"; their mothers were full
sisters. The following morning - spent fetching taro from
Patua's mother's garden nearby - I took advantage of that
special relationship to find out more about the sick
kleva.
I questioned Memei about Patua, and he told me of his
background.
Patua's mother, like Memei's, come from Morkriv, where our
Tohsiki-speaking neighbours used to live before they moved
a bit further down the ridge to Duria. She married a man
from further inland and went to live with him. He was a
Merei-speaker named Krai Tui - the "shell" of my Duria
friend by the same name. Patua and his brother grew up
speaking Merei, at a place called Lametin, far away on the
main ridge separating the Peolape and Peiorai watersheds.
Eventually their father died. Later, as another man at
their village was dying of leprosy, he warned the widow and
her two sons not to stay on at Lametin any longer, but to
go and live somewhere else, or else his sickness would move
on to them. Patua's mother now moved back home to Duria,
together with Patua. His brother settled at Usieve in the
Peolape valley.
I asked about
mitin noni Patua.
Memei said he had cured people, first at Lametin, and later
at Duria, where they were glad to have him owing to his
special skill.
I asked about the Pos names - were they really given by
Patua? Memei affirmed that this was the case. When people
were ill and Patua treated them with spells, he would give
them a new name. Their old name was not to be used anymore
- I got the idea that it was somehow connected with the
disease.
He gave an example. His own name was Memei - his "shell"
was the long dead father of Krai Kines, a mutual
acquaintance of ours from further inland. Then Patua had
replaced this name with a new one, Pos Evrol, after
treating him for some complaint. And Memei's son was the
"shoot" of Tion Trivu, now at Namoro, but Sulu had changed
that name to Semis.
All of the
matalesi
changed people's names after
maumau,
said Memei - Mol Sale, Sulu, Patua, Kinglu and Mol Kleva.
It was the latter who gave Patua his ominous name; before
then he had been called Muramura.
Memei didn't mention Maloi that time, though only a few
weeks later he told me that the Lotunae
kleva
was the source of new names beginning with Merika for men
(Merika Pro, Merika Lotu, etc.) and Meri for women (Meri
Tamata, Meri Plaklin, etc.), common among the
Moris-speakers further down river.
6.7
Varavara
at Duria
On our return from the garden I wrote down what Memei had
told me in a notebook, while he and Revrev prepared the
oven to cook our haul of taro. Then it was time to go, said
Memei. The
varavara
was about to start.
We left Revrev minding the oven at Tonokara. Five minutes'
walk took us to Duria, where we squatted down at the edge
of the red clay clearing and took in our surroundings.
On our right were the remains of Memei's old house,
stripped of re-usable building materials - posts, beams and
rafters were gone, leaving only a heap of old plaited
bamboo that once had made up walls and gables, plus a few
tattered lengths of rotting thatch, blackened by soot and
too broken up to restore.
Across the clearing from us stood the under-sized dwelling
where Patua and his mother had fed me on my first trip to
Duria, now a long time ago, when I was still a stranger to
the valley. This was flanked by a stand of trees that
arched forward to the right, obscuring the building further
down the gentle slope, where I knew most of the Duria
villagers now lived.
Immediately to the left of us lay the only dwelling in this
the older part of the village that was still in use- the
home of Memei's scrawny old uncle (MB) Aru Tun with his
young Matanzari wife and their children.
Mol Kleva sat on a log by the front door, looking out over
the clearing. A score of men was gathered there, sitting on
bits of wood or squatting on their haunches in groups of
two or three, conversing in the rising heat of the late
afternoon sun.
The majority of them were close neighbours of his: the
people of Duria, Venpepe, Tonsiki and Taskoro, who
acknowledged him as their chief and shared meat with him as
befitted people of one place. Others had come from Tonvara
and Toravonggu, autonomous in their more populous past but
since the decline in their numbers loosely incorporated
with their Duria neighbours into one large Tohsiki-speaking
alliance. The air was buzzing with the harsh tones of their
common tongue. I also recognised a few visitors from
further afield - I suspect most of them just happened to be
at Duria visiting their in-laws, but Patua's older brother
would have come from Usieve especially for the varavara.
Memei and I were just in time. Shortly after we arrived Mol
Kleva started talking in a slow voice, and everybody went
silent, listening to what he had to say. The varavara had
started.
The first concern was getting the facts about the
accusations: who had heard what from whom; what exactly had
been said. Mol Kleva directed the enquiry, following up all
allegations by asking for comment or confirmation from
people mentioned by others in their statements, tracing the
path of the accusations back to their source and weeding
out the rumour and speculation that inevitably accrue along
the road, as it were, as news travels from one place to
another by word of mouth. A lot of the detail of what was
said escapes me, as most of the talk was in Tohsiki, but
Memei whispered to me translations and explanations on
demand.
These were the findings: Patua had dreamed that Meah from
Vunpepe had taken a bit of his food - a part of a taro -
and was using it to kill him with sorcery. When questioned
by Mol Kleva, Meah denied this. He stood by himself close
to the ruins of Memei's old house - taller and blacker than
most of his fellows and with a tinge of white at his
temples - looking serious but otherwise unperturbed, as he
again and again negated the accusation in his calm
Tohsiki:
Merei!
"No!"
Kinglu in his turn had "seen" that someone had taken a bit
of cloth belonging to Patua and was using this to kill him.
Pune:
Mo poroporo inia?
"Did he dream it?"
Ai rovo:
Mo matalesia.
"He 'eye-saw' it."
Kinglu allegedly knew who the sorcerer was, but hadn't
revealed his identity - only that it was a mera i zarain,
translated Memei: "a man from this place". Perhaps this
accounted for the full attendance of the varavara, nobody
daring not to come, as it could invite suspicion.
A sombre silence now fell over the gathering. Someone in
the crowd was a sorcerer, slowly killing one of his fellows
with evil magic. I looked around the clearing. Some of the
men were looking around at each other,.like me. Others
stared silently into the ground in front of them.
Vavaulu!
"Confess!" urged a voice from the other side of the
clearing. No one volunteered. Time passed again in silence,
broken only now and then by short comments and repeats of
the exhortation to confess. I followed the example of some
of those around me and sat down on the ground, resting my
legs which had gone numb from squatting for so long. Mol
Kleva remained silent on his log, presumably waiting for
someone else to make the next move - for the sorcerer to
own up to his ill-doings. The sun beat down on our heads
from near zenith. We seemed to have reached an impasse.
I don't know for how long we sat there, waiting for someone
to take the initiative and reveal himself as the sorcerer,
but as time went by and the heat kept rising, forcing most
of us into the shade under the trees and the eaves of Aru
Tun's house, it became increasingly clear that whoever the
sorcerer was - if indeed it was anybody - he didn't intend
to let it become public knowledge. Presently Mol Kleva
started talking again, followed by others.
Memei summed up what was being said.
Vara mo vatilovoia, mo kun,
"if he took it away, it would be good." If the evil-doer
wouldn't reveal himself, he should at least stop the
sorcery. A number of speenes stressed the same point - the
speechmakers painting themselves innocent by implication.
Eventually the
varavara
petered out, losing its focus as conversations sprang up on
all sides. Someone had made kava in Aru Tun's house.
Thirsty men filed in and out, some remaining inside to eat,
leaving fewer of us in the clearing. Pos Non Kot from
Vunpepe, seated a short distance away on my right, not so
much announced as summed up what was happening, in Tohsiki
that even I could understand.
Varvar me sur no:
"The talk is finished."
6.8 Patua's
patua
Te
ese mo soroa.
"Someone's shot him." Lisa's verdict on Patua's worsening
condition sounded final; more so than all the previous
diagnoses I had heard from time to time. Eilili and Tavui
Pulupulu, the remaining members of our small kava assembly
inside Lisa's house in Kuvutana, appeared to agree, and
indeed there seemed little to argue about. Sulu too had now
finally returned from his expedition to the Peiorai area,
bringing back with him a calf that he had caught, and fresh
news from Vuties. He had stayed thee for two days on his
way home, trying again his maumau on his wasting colleague.
Patua was in a worse condition than Sulu had ever seen him
before - defecating indoors, thinner than ever, in fact
emaciated, and beyond observing even the simplest
niceties.
Mo kai te lo.
"There are no rules." Patua didn't even keep the food
taboos given him by the many people attempting to cure him
with their spells.
Va ese i mate.
"He is dying."
Sulu was not with us. He had come a long way, after
spending two weeks away, and stayed home with his family
that evening. I had not seen him since his return, having
myself only just arrived back from my stay with Memei at
Tanokara. Now Lisa, Pulu and Eilili were filling me in on
the new developments at Vuties, as reported by Sulu.
Someone had seen Patua talking to two little children, late
one night when everyone else was asleep. The implications
were obvious, but my companions seemed keen to spell them
out, and I wasn't about to interrupt. They were his patua,
Lisa explained. Already when Patua took his new name he had
suspected as much: that the
kleva
had acquired some familiars and was now a witch.
But once you get yourself some
patua,
your days are numbered. Every time your familiars take you
hunting you gamble your life. Your body stays behind on
your sleeping mat (rurum
purono:
"just your shell") while
maurim,
"your life", moves about as a spark of light, talking to
the air in the shape of an owl, a hawk or a falcon, or
stealing about the place as an innocent-looking cat, dog,
fowl or pig. Then you are vulnerable - if spotted you are
at the mercy of people who will shoot any of those birds or
animals for their meat, if they come across them in the
bush.
If someone kills a witch in animal shape, the witch will
die. He may survive the first time, but if it happens two
or three times, the witch will die for sure. The hunter
should eat the were-animal too, and not tell anyone
afterwards, as there is maumau that can be used to restore
the witch, if the killing be known.
They had killed a witch as recently at John Alo's
plantation at Nakere on the South Coast, said Eilili. A
rooster had flown up on to the roof of the rickety old
Nissan hut that served as labourers' quarters. It crowed,
though it was night time. Tokito Meresin killed it with a
knife. He, Eilili and a third man cooked and ate it on
their own, without waking any of the others up to share the
meal.
This was what had happened to Patua. Someone had shot him,
once too often. His rapidly deteriorating condition now
made sense - Patua was going the way of Mol Sahau in the
past, dying the untimely death of a deadly hunter turned
victim. We spent the rest of the evening talking about
witchcraft and sorcery on Santo, contemporary and in days
gone by. Lisa, seemingly not aware that I had already heard
a great deal about the topic, spoke to me about
patua,
with Eilili and Pulu adding their own comments and
illustrations.
The witches often work in flocks, Lisa told me. As they
approach a house they place a spell (talinovo)
on the people inside, so that they won't notice one of
their number being taken outside and cut.
A novoika. A varai na ezeka, kamalai
ririu.
"They bewitch us. They say our names, so we can't wake up."
After removing their victim's innards and replacing them
with leaves, they put him back on his sleeping mat, and the
next day he won't be able to remember or reveal the night's
events. But three or four days later the victim will die -
when exactly is in the hands of the
patua.
A pai varai na ranena,
"they will name his day", said Lisa.
If
patua
attack you in the bush, you will first notice that
matam mo vapete,
"your eye is short" - you can only see things close to you
and can't see things far away. Then you know that they're
near. The trees and hills around you will seem to close in
on you, and eventually
matam mo pontuvu,
"your eye is dark" - you will black out. Then they'll cut
you.
If, as you first notice your sight blurring, you say the
name of the witch that is attacking you, you are safe. That
is your only way out. It has to be the correct name, but if
you are not sure you can say the names of many people you
suspect. Then,
Na pinisiku tau! Ku pai toma iniau?
"I know you already! Now what will you do to me?" Lisa
heartily mimicked the aggressive speech of a prospective
victim confronting a witch with his name, loud in our small
gathering.
Never travel alone, my companions warned me. Never tell
anybody your travelling plans - when you are going to see
them in another village, or when you are going to leave,
after visiting a strange settlement. They'll lie waiting
for you along the trail.
In the past, said Lisa, the people who sailed away from
Saurik (the mouth of a far-off west coast river where
legend had it that labour traders used to anchor their
sailing ships when loading or unloading their human cargo)
all brought
patua
when they returned to Santo.
Every worker was given a trunk full of things by his
masta
in payment for his labour - rifles, matches and knives were
some of Lisa's examples.
Na tuai mo kai te mania,
"in the past there was no money", he explained. The
returned traveller then sent for people from his village to
come and help him carry the trunk home.
Toana, tasina.
"His elder and younger brothers", clarified Eilili from
among the shadows on my left. When they arrived home they
would open up the trunk and distribute the contents.
The
patua
were kept in a box by themselves inside the trunk, to be
opened when there was no one else around, according to
instructions from the
masta.
They were for the homecomer personally.
In this way
patua
came to Santo, and started to kill people. Before then
things were different.
A kai mate, a to sasari.
"They didn't die, they ran out of power." Central Santo was
full of people - there were no areas without settlements
then, like the hill called Patui across the lower Zari from
Truvos, or the ridge half-way down to the Ari where the
track to Vunpepe runs past Mol Paroparo's gardens, both of
which had been settled in the past. Even Truvos was then
the home of a different group of people, now extinct - my
hosts' own ancestral land was at Patuntampon, further up
valley along the Vunpati track.
Lisa has a theory about it: the white people first had
the
patua,
but saw that they were bad and decided to get rid of them,
and so gave them away to the black men who came to work.
When I told him that I hadn't heard about any
patua
either in New Zealand or in Sweden, Lisa told me to ask the
old people back home, and tell him if I ever came back to
Santo again.
Inku natui mera.
"You are a child" - he didn't expect me to know. Ask
vokai vunama,
"the older men".
My companions also told me more about sorcery, explaining
to me a variety of techniques that they attributed to the
people in the Tombet area to the north of us, and the
people down around Patumariv, the lowland village where we
had spent a night on our way from the coast to Truvos only
a month back.
Lisa called it
sasau.
The sorcerers use a bit of your food, for example the stem
of a taro that you have eaten. There were three different
methods.
They could leave a bit of food in a hole in the ground in a
special place, a
zara i tataui,
"follow-place". There was no such place nearby, but the
people closer to the coast had them.
They could tie up the bit of food in string, and hang it
over a fire. As it dries out and turns black, you
die.
A lizikoro iniku,
said Lisa: "They tie-dry you."
They could cut the top off a
malavu
tree-fern and put the piece of food inside the trunk at the
top, then ringbark the tree at the base. As the tree dies
and the soft core rots away, the material moves further
down inside the trunk, and the victim gets ill. When the
core is gone, leaving only an empty shell, and the bit of
food reaches the base of the trunk, the victim dies.
A kore malavu inia,
"they put him tree-fern."
6.9 Patua's death
The next day, as we were working on the new houses for
Kavten and Lahoi at Vorozenale, I heard that it was Sulu
who had seen Patua talking to his incriminating
familiars.
Mo matalesia,
"he eye-saw it'. Sulu himself also told another story from
his visit to Peiorai, as a group of us took turns digging
postholes for Lahoi's new home:
Ravu Liorave, a Penggie man, walking alone in the bush near
Vuties, looked behind him to see a cat following him down
the track. Next the cat did something strange: it attacked
him, trying to bite him. Ravu Liorave killed it with a
stroke of his bushknife, chopping its head off. He took the
carcass home and ate it. But the next day he went and told
the people at Vuties.
Mo lolono,
commented a bystander, "he is crazy". He should have kept
it quiet. The tacit assumption seemed to be that it wasn't
a real cat; it was Patua, still out hunting with his
patua
while his body lay near to death in the house at Vuties.
Halfway through the day it started raining. We took shelter
under the roof of a nearby shed, built to protect the
stacks of prepared thatch lying ready to be used to cover
Lahoi's new house, one the framework was completed. It was
not long before someone wondered aloud whether this
was
usa noni Patua,
"Patua's rain".
Three days later we were working on Kavten's new house,
levelling the ground for the floor-to-be, when Maliu Kalus
brought the news: Patua had died, two days back. Maliu had
heard about it on the other side of the river that day.
Eilili mentioned a photograph I had of Patua, taken at
Pune's feast at Taskoro, nearly a year ago. What was I
going to do with it? Perhaps I could look at it from time
to time, a last memento of the dead man, he suggested. Or I
could burn it. Maliu proposed that I keep it until I
returned home - then I could give it to Patua, if I saw him
over there.
It made two deaths in one day - an old man had died at
Zaraparo that same day.
Vunu Krai
mo rua,
"two of the Flying Fox Clan". It had rained heavily all
day, with a strong wind blowing. Now we knew why: Patua's
rain had fallen, finally.
The obvious discussion ensued. Patua's death took care of
the problem over his marriage. Pos Non Kot had been
threatening to take his daughter back, as Patua never spent
any time with her, leaving her alone at home while he
stayed away from Duria. Krai Tui had warned that in that
case Pos Vea's wife, Vematankin, Voitrivu's opposite number
in a straight exchange of women, would also be taken back.
Now that Patua had died, the people of Vunpepe would give a
wife to Vohia Oloran, Vematankin's brother, instead. Or
else they could replace Vematankin some time in the future
with one of her daughters, yet to be born. There were many
solutions possible.
Vematankin mo te lae,
said Lisa, "Vematankin is married".
Sosorana mo te iso.
"The dispute is over".
There was another dispute left, though, still unresolved.
Memei and his mother's brother, Aru Tin, both clansmen of
Patua's, were still concerned about the claims that he had
been killed with sorcery, pointing the finger at the people
of Vunpepe - the home of Patua's disenchanted in-laws.
6.10 Patua's
mitin.
Ria
lore
Nona
panis.
"His punishment".
Mo kai oloolo.
"He didn't bow down" - he wasn't humble. It was Lisa, again
voicing his judgments over an evening bowl of kava, with
Mol Paroparo, Kavero and me providing the audience. This
was still another version of Patua's demise. It was his own
fault. He had got his illness further inland, and
vezeveze
were involved – so Lisa had heard. Patua had been
knocked down by some sorcerer because of his pride.
Routinely I asked about his “meeting”, and for
the first time I got a fuller explanation of what that had
been about. Patua had urged people to come and
vavaulu
to him; confess to him their hidden sins and grudges
– and their
patua.
Then he would cure them. He claimed to be able to take away
peoples’s
patua
– people who had
patua
could come to him and confess, and he would rid them of
their deadly familiars. He could see them, and would remove
them; kill them. He chose his new name because of this,
back in the days of his
mitin
activities. But it was all
korekorei nasa,
“just lies”. He had
patua
himself, said Lisa.
Mo ve tau na takun mo visa?
“How many people has he killed already?”
Mol Paroparo asked me about myself and
patua:
A pinis veiku?
“Can they kill you?”
Ku pinis lesira?
“Can you see them?”
Perhaps this had become a matter for public speculation.
Only a few days previously Vekrai had revealed to me that
she thought I was immune to their attacks, as I
didn’t seem afraid of them – I didn’t
take normal precautions, traveling alone in defiance of a
possible ambush.
I could see her point. Lisa’s lecture after Krai
Kule’s death at Patunvava was still fresh in my
memory. And recently I had gone to visit Memei at Tonokara
on my own at dusk, lighting my way there in the dark with a
torch - foolhardy behaviour, but perfectly reasonable if
the
patua
couldn't hurt me anyway.
As in the past I blamed my ignorance. I hadn't realised
that there was any danger - I hadn't grown up with
witchcraft in the neighbourhood and was not used to taking
steps to counter it.
That topic exhausted, we talked about
ria.
I don't remember how it started, but once begun, my
companions, responding to my keen interest, kept on adding
more and more detail and comments, filling in the picture
with further elaborations. Though I had been in similar
situations in the past - a kava "seminar" exploring some
aspect of Santo existence mainly for my education - I had
never had the benefit of this sort of treatment of the
elusive disease - inflicting ogres of the Santo bush. The
composite picture emerging from that one night's discussion
was something like this:
Ria
- "ogres" is perhaps the best translation - are larger than
people. They have long arms and legs. They have tails and
long hair. Lisa imitated their call - it sounded somewhat
like cattle lowing. We agreed after comparison that they
were very similar to the trolls that had haunted the deep
forests of my childhood Sweden.
Koma kai lesia,
said Lisa: "We have not seen it." They had only
heard
ria
described by
vokai vunama tuai,
"the older men of the past". But there was little doubt
about their existence: Lisa often saw tufts of
ria
hair hanging where it had been caught on low branches in
the bush, a memento of a passing ogre. He said he'd bring
me some to show me one day - later he indeed brought me a
few long, black strands of what I took to be some form of
arboreal lichen, looking like horsehair.
No one had seen them, but there had been some close brushes
with ogres. One night Trivu ru had met one on his way
between Vorozenale and Truvos - it was back in the days
when there were still houses up on Truvos, before they
started building at Kuvutana. He fought with it, and
escaped unharmed. But he didn't see it, as it was dark.
Lisa told me how he and Vekrai once almost met with a ria
on a night when they were netting flying foxes in a
clearing by the main track to the South Coast. They could
hear it approaching along the track, lowing menacingly.
They sat tight in their little leaf shelter, very afraid,
hardly daring to breath for fear of detection. But the ria
went off in some other direction, and they were all right.
Mol Paroparo too had had a narrow escape from an ogre. He
and Kavten were night-fishing, lighting their way with
torches up a small stream on the far side of the Zari,
hoping to spear some eels. They heard the
ria
coming at them along the stream, and ran. They never saw
it, but they could hear it coming after them along the
track as they fled. When they got to Palakori, where Mol
Santo had a garden house in those days, they ran inside and
barred the door. The
ria
didn't try to enter the house, but they could hear it
rummaging around in the clearing outside.
The ogres used trickery to catch people in the bush. If you
stray off your track they try to disorient you by placing
obstacles between you and the track. So, if you can't see
your way back, but see a big log or a tangle of bracken,
just jump over it, and there will be the track.
Na tuai,
"in the past", people couldn't go outside at night, unless
there were several of them - maybe five; two were not
enough. The
ria
came close to the houses then. Now they don't - when the
firearms came to Santo and the ogres heard the sound of
gunfire, they fled. Nowadays they live inside big rocks,
hiding.
In the past old people didn't die. They just gathered up
their belongings one day and disappeared. Perhaps they
became
ria . . . Komau koma komia soena,
"we think so", said Lisa.
He gave as an example an old woman who just disappeared one
day. Her mat was gone, the ashes of her mat-side fire had
been swept up and the place was left clean.
This called to mind a tale that Lahoi had told me during my
first visit to Santo. There was once an old man at Lotunae
who wouldn't die. He lived on and on, until people started
talking about it. Then one day when the villagers returned
home from the gardens he had disappeared. He had taken his
walking stick and left. They looked for him everywhere, but
couldn't find him. In time they gave a feast for him,
assuming him dead. But later two men, spending a night in a
garden house in the bush, heard the old man outside,
grunting - Lahoi illustrated. They followed him, keeping
well-hidden, and saw him disappear into a cave where an
underground stream emerged from under a rock.
We also talked about ria and illness. They make children
ill, I was told. They
vara inira:
"talk about them". Or, when the parents are working a
garden, with the little one asleep on some leaves nearby,
the ria may come close and touch the bedding.
A tikeli na rau epana.
"They touch his/her mat-leaves." In either case the child
becomes ill with
zalo i ria,
"ogre-sickness", easily recognised by its symptom. The
child will
sarsaramariri,
"shake", "quiver".
There is
maumau
that will cure the condition. First the parents must
explain carefully where they have been with the child
recently - what places they have visited, which paths they
have walked. The
ria
have home territories - they live inside boulders down by
the streams that criss-cross the landscape, all draining
into the Ari and eventually into the Peiorai and Big Bay.
The precise habitat of the guilty
ria
is of great importance - the name of the place must be part
of the
maumau.
If you have the right
ria,
the child will become well. If not, you try another place.
Were there places known to be frequented by
ria,
then? Yes, came the reply, one
ria
used to live at Vorozenale - a small stream at the far end
of the village, for which the latter took its name. And
another one lived by a small stream not far from Kuvutana,
where we used to fetch water. But not anymore.
At the time I was quite surprised at all this detail about
particular
ria
- I hadn't realised that they existed as individuals known
to live in particular places. It makes sense, though: a
tradition of localised
ria
is a likely product of curative spells for malaria that
attempt to pinpoint a
ria
in a particular place as the cause of the illness. The
successful cures would confirm the existence of
ria
in special places - henceforth to be high on the list of
suspicion in future cases of illness, and so on, until some
places were well known to be haunted by
ria.
6.11
Vavaulu:
Noti Uina
Another day . . .
Tomas, ku somai!
"You come!" Vekrai's call from inside the house penetrated
through even to the realm of field notes and brought me
back to the present. Interrupted again! I left my books on
my table on Lisa's verandah, stood up and went inside to
see what was the matter.
There were many people inside, mostly women with small
children. They had stayed behind talking to Vekrai after a
festive meal on
savisavi ipu
- mashed five-leaf yam pudding with coconut milk - eaten
when the oven was first opened up. In the light from the
back entrance I could make out some of them seated by the
still warm oven stones in the rear of the house.
Vekrai directed me over to where Noti Uina from Tapunvepere
was sitting in the shadows half-way along the wall on my
right, her next to youngest daughter on her lap. Old
Linsus, squatting next to her, held the girl around the
waist in a firm, two-handed grip, half-way through some
remedial spell. She had just thrown up in the middle of an
attack of fever. There was a note of panic in her mother's
voice, as she told me about it.
I could understand Noti Uina's dismay - the girl felt very
hot to the touch. I took her little hand and felt for her
pulse with the tips of my fingers. It was incredibly fast:
looking down at my wristwatch I counted sixty beats in
fifteen seconds. I could hardly believe it - how could she
survive a pulse rate of two hundred and forty? I looked at
the girl, half expecting her to pass away there and then,
before my very eyes.
It was probably malaria. Earlier that same morning Noti
Uina had brought me the child, saying that she had become
ill with a fever every day shortly before noon. I had given
her two Nivaquine tablets, but not in time to prevent on
last, violent attack of ague. If my diagnosis were correct,
the girl would be all right tomorrow - the anti-malarials
never seemed to fail to do the job. But would she make it
through to tomorrow? Would her barely three-year old body
stand up to the strain of that fever?
I hesitated. I had been called inside to help, but there
was not much I could do. All I could think of was something
to get the fever down, though the seeming futility of
salicylic acid as a life-saver only increased my all too
familiar feeling of helplessness in the face of acute
illness. Still, I put some water in the bottom of an enamel
cup, added half a tablet of Disprin and pushed my way
through the small crowd now surrounding Noti Uina and the
girl.
Linsus had finished his
maumau.
Now it was Krai Mak, the girl's father, doing what to me
looked essentially the same - the grip around her waist,
the intermittent spitting. I gave the cup of dissolved
Disprin to Noti Uina who promptly lifted it to her lips and
drained it, then bent over and sprayed the contents into
the mouth of her barely conscious daughter.
Through with my own contribution I got out of the way,
content to watch from my nearby mat the growing commotion.
The news had spread - shouted - to Vorozenale, and more
people kept coming into the house all the time, adding to
the confusion. The din rose with the questions of the many
curious and the agitated explanations of those in the know.
Within minutes Lisa's house was crowded.
In the midst of all the turmoil I saw Lisa sip water from a
cup and blow clouds of spray at the girl from different
directions. Next Lahoi, just arrived from Vorozenale,
followed Linsus and Krai Mak with still another
stomach-pressing bout of
maumau.
Meresin no rasia,
suggested a voice in the ongoing discussion of the
proceedings: "The medicine has struck her." By now it was
common knowledge that I had given the girl some pills that
morning.
No, retorted Linsus.
Lotuna,
“its base", was a longstanding quarrel that had
threatened to flare up again that morning. One of
Vevozileo's children had returned home to Vorozenale after
playing at Kuvutana, bearing the tale that
Noti Uina mo ripot isini Pos
Zuzuru,
"Noti Uina made report to Pos Zuzuru." Pos Zuzuru was Lisa.
As one of Mol Paroparo's assistants he was used to being
approached by people with a grievance, as a first step
towards formal settling to the matter through chiefly
arbitration.
Noti Uina denied reporting anything to Lisa - though in
fact I had heard her talk to him about the quarrel when she
came to Kuvutana for medicine that morning. The child must
have overheard her. Now she took a different attitude. If
the quarreling continued they - herself, Krai Mak and their
six children - would move away and
sakele la zara zai, inkomau asemau:
"settle somewhere else, by ourselves."
Little more than a year ago Krai Mak's younger brother
Aliki had married Vevozileo's daughter Vemunimuni Tavui. In
return Aliki's father had provided Vemunimuni's brother
Tavui Pulupulu with a bride - a girl named Viona, obtained
in exchange for Aliki's sister had eloped with a Namoro man
not long before then. The marriages took place at Maliu
Tin's garden house at Morvari. Some of Krai Mak's fowl had
been killed to feed the guests, though the owner himself
was away at the time.
Maliu Tin and Vevozileo drew a lot of fire from their
neighbours at Truvos over the marriages. They had been
arranged more or less clandestinely, and several interested
parties were not informed but simply presented with the
fait accompli. They were offended, angry. As a result Maliu
Tin and Vevozileo stopped coming to Truvos, living instead
full time at their Morvari garden house, together with
their children, and Pulu and his new bride.
Krai Mal and Noti Uina were good friends with them then -
they didn't live far from each other, and mutual visiting
was frequent.
Since then things had turned sour, gradually alienating the
two families from each other. The newlyweds were not
getting on too well together. A jealous Pulu had told Viona
to
vavaulu.
She didn't, and he hit her across the arm with a stick.
Viona ran away and there was talk of dissolving the
marriage.
This put Aliki's marriage in jeopardy, and in fact he too
was having problems with his spouse. Vemunimuni kept going
home to her parents at Morvari. She complained to her
mother that there was not enough food at Tapunvepere,
claiming that they did not work hard enough at gardening
there. A sensitive issue as Maliu Tin, widely regarded as a
poor gardener, had fed his own family on Krai Mak's
via
plantations further up river, when they were short of food
at Morvari following the marriages. Krai Mak was still away
on the coast at the time.
Then, just recently, Viona had admitted to an affair with a
Zaraparo boy down at Namoro some time back. Pulu had beaten
her with a longbow, and a
varavara
over compensation for the adultery was pending at
Vorozenale. In the meantime speculation was rife about the
likely repercussions, and the possible annulment of the
marriages had again become topical, in spite of the fact
that Aliki and Vemunimuni now had a child together.
In addition to the strife over the marriages there was also
the matter of some of Vevozileo's cordyline plants that had
been destroyed by a wandering bull belonging to Krai Mak.
All the mountain women grew cordyline to wear the leaves,
their traditional mode of dress.
Mo kai te mani, kiai, ka te korea isina,
said Noti Uina,
"I have no money, or I would have given it to
her"
- in compensation, to end the talk.
It was these quarrels with the Morvari people that were the
subject of Noti Uina's monologue. She spoke at great
length, addressing Maliu Tin and Vevozileo with rhetorical
questions as if they were present - a practice I had noted
in angry men's speeches by the kava bowl. Never again were
they to bring their sick children to Krai Mak for
maumau.
There was the occasional comment or question about details
in her angry lament, but for the most part she spoke
uninterrupted. Eventually Noti Uina came to the end of her
tirade and calmed down, and the talk again became more
general, with others offering their own opinions on the
situation. Lisa's comment, filled with foreboding, brought
home to me the broader significance of the situation, as it
affected the whole community.
Sari i masmas mo to aliali, zara mo varuvarun soeneto,
ran i zalo i pai somai.
"Feet of anger are treading about, when the place is hot
like that, day of sickness will come."
Eventually the crowd dispersed. Most of them went to eat at
Popoi's house – they had just opened up the oven
there and put out a call for all to come and eat yam
pudding.
I went over to Noti Uina and took her daughter's pulse
again. It had dropped to one hundred and eighty, and I told
Noti Uina that the girl would be all right.
Yes, said Noti Uina, it was because she had
vavaulu isina,
"confessed to her". I hadn't realised - that was what her
long monologue had been about! Noti Uina had confessed her
anger, the ostensible source of her daughter's illness. And
- predictably? - the girl was already better.
6.12 Secret movements
The
next day Lisa disappeared - that is, he didn't come home at
night. Not even Vekrai knew where he was for sure, though
she said that he might have gone to Duria.
Those suspicions were confirmed within a day, when Ravu
Mak, a Penggie man that I knew from my month's stay in the
Tombet area, paid a short visit to Kuvutana. I was sitting,
alone, in the shade under Lisa's verandah roof, writing in
my books, when he walked into the village. There was no one
else in sight. I offered him food, as I had learned to do:
taro and some stewed veal, left over from the calf Kavten
had killed when we finished his house three clays back.
Ravu Mak ate, and we talked. He had been to Palakori to see
Maitui about a quarrel over a woman. Ravu Mak had taken a
fancy to Maitui’s half sister, recently married to
one of Trivu Ru’s sons at Namoro. Now he came to
counter a charge of adultery and a demand for compensation
to be paid to her husband alleged transaction in pigs in
the far-off past - if her husband wanted to keep her, he
would have to pay Ravu Mak. A court session was due in a
few days at Vorozenale, to resolve the issue. At present he
was on his way to Duria, where he planned to spend the
night.
Grandma Vepei discovered him there with me. just inside the
front door of Lisa's house, eating and talking, and though
there was ample food she went and got another taro and a
piece of veal. By the time she arrived back with the food
Ravu Mak had finished eating, but he still dutifully cut
off a small piece of that taro, peeled it, and ate it with
a little of that piece of veal, removing the lid from my
pot and dipping the meat in the juices, while Vepei watched
him from the verandah.
Ravu Mak returned the rest of the food to Vepei, and we
talked some more. He had also spent last night at Duria.
Lisa was there - today was the day for feasting Patua. This
took me by surprise. Not the feast as such; there was
normally a feast ten days after a burial - a day more or
less depending on whether you counted the days at the
beginning and end of the period. I had been to several.
Sometimes they were large affairs involving visitors from
the whole valley and lasting for days with several beasts
killed. At other times they were small family gatherings,
as at Zinovonara when I went there with Lisa after the
burial of Mol Sale's grandson and found only a few people
eating taro pudding and bits of a fowl that they had
killed. In the latter case they were inevitably followed by
a bigger feast later on, on the fiftieth or the hundredth
day.
What surprised me was that we had not had word about it.
Usually we would be told well ahead of the day of a feast,
so that those who wanted to were able to go. But I had
heard nothing about Patua's mortuary feast in advance.
Lisa must have heard about it, though, because he had gone
there, but he had kept it to himself. I thought he was
being secretive about his movements because of
patua.
Vepei followed Ravu Mak to Duria that same afternoon. The
next day she reappeared at Kuvutana with Lisa, both of them
with pieces of beef. They were the only people from Truvos
who had been to the feast. I heard them discuss the
distribution of the meat they had brought, making sure that
between them they gave some to every household in our group
of allied hamlets.
6.13 Vekrai's warning
Lisa
and Vanlal had already walked out the door. Kura kai ru
komeurua asemeu! "Don't walk about on your own, you two!"
Vekrai whispered her words of warning to Riki and little
Maritino, as she was getting ready to leave for their
garden on Paten. She had Epin on her hip in a cloth sling
over her opposite shoulder, and a basket full of more
rolled-up baskets suspended on her back by a bunch of
braided flax strings tied together in a knot across her
brow.
Vekrai added a few words of explanation to me. It was
because of the many disputes in progress. The night Lisa
and Vepei returned from the Duria feast Sulu had stayed
awake all night, watching
patua
walking around in the village clearing, even snooping about
the closed doors barring them from entering the houses.
Ku kai varaia ausaa Voropen,
cautioned Vekrai: "Don't talk about it up at Voropen" -
another name for the neighbouring hamlet at
Vorozenale.
Tuenina a vati tau na matea.
"Some of them have got themselves
matea"
- i.e.
patua.
One of them had killed one of her children with witchcraft
in the past, Vekrai confided. Then she was out the door,
off for another day’s work, leaving me wondering
about the implications of all that.
I knew Lisa had been quarreling with Mol Paroparo in fits
and starts over this and that during the last month, and
further back in the past too. Was this attendant
backbiting, or genuine fear of retaliation? There were far
too many disputes going on at the time anyway, with a host
of unsettled issues and people bearing grudges - people who
could not be relied on to settle things peaceably, but were
inclined to use witchcraft against their enemies.
6.14 Sulu on Patua's
patua
That
same night we had Tokito Meresin and his grandson Timol
with us at evening kava in Sulu's house. They were spending
the night on their way to the coast, where the aging
kleva
was to resume work on the Nakere plantation.
The visit elicited the usual exchange of latest news, and
there was no shortage of news with the recent proliferation
of disputes. Among the many other topics there was also
talk about Patua's death. Sulu repeated his story about how
he had seen Patua talk to two small children one night at
Vuties. He had confronted Patua over this the next day,
but
mo kai vara,
"he didn't talk."
I could see the direction things were taking. Whether or
not Patua had been a witch, he was about to enter local
legend as one. Would perhaps Ravu Liorave be credited with
killing him, as Mol Kleva had killed Mol Sahau?
They also talked about how the other night some
patua
had moved about the settlement. Lisa told Tokito Meresin
that if it wasn't for my staying with him, he would flee
Kuvutana and stay in a garden house.
Inau mazi malau ran. Imaku
lavul,
said Lisa: "I am an overnighter. I have many houses."
This all eventually sparked off a discussion of how to go
about getting rid of
patua
permanently, before the talk rambled on further, to still
other concerns.
6.15 A bride for Kavero
Kavero
stayed in Kuvutana for most of my last four months on
Santo. He slept in Popoi's and Vepei's house and spent most
of his days helping his aging "parents" with their gardens,
and other strenuous tasks like carrying home taro and
firewood. Perhaps in response to this show of loyalty and
support some attempts were made to find him a wife.
The first I heard of this was the day after our kava
evening with Tokito Meresin and Timol. I wanted urgently to
get to Canal. Two days back I had lit a match too close to
my face, and a bit of burning phosphorus had landed in my
right eye. By now it was red and rheumy, and I wanted it
seen to by a physician, so I had arranged to go with Tokito
Meresin and Timol to the South Coast that day.
Normally we would leave early in the morning when going to
the coast: it was a long, strenuous walk - about twenty
kilometres - and it used to take most of the day. Not so
this time. The sun rose high and my fellow travellers were
still not ready to leave.
Eventually I found out why. We had to wait for Sulu to
return with news. He had gone to Matanzari to ask for a
wife for Kavero.
Verintui, natuni Mol Rarau,
explained Levtoro, "Verintui, Mol Rarau's child".
Sulu had told me about her in the past. Long ago when Popoi
Trivu was a young man and they lived further up river at
Patuntampon, the whole community had fled southward, after
Mol Santo had shot a man on the other side of the Ari. They
lived away from the valley for years, in a village named
Nalulu, before returning to the Art valley. During their
time at Nalulu Mol Santo gave away one of Popoi’s and
Trivu Ru's sisters in marriage to a local man. Later, when
she had a daughter, Trivu Ru gave gifts to her husband -
raw taro and ten live fowls, according to Sulu - in order
to gain the right to arrange her marriage. But when she
grew up her parents gave her in marriage to Mol Rarau, now
chief of Namoro. In exchange Mol Rarau had given a daughter
to Trivu Ru: Verintui, a girl now in her early teens,
living at Matanzari, looked after by Trivu Ru’s
daughter Sarikun, and her crippled husband Matai.
Tokito Meresin was an elder clansman of Kavero's – a
"brother" of his mother; they were both of the Barringtonia
Clan, Vunu Trivu. As such he had an interest in Kaveros
marriage, and wanted to know the reply to Sulu's request
before we left. If there was to be further discussion of
the proposal Tokito Meresin wanted to take part. We might
even have to postpone our departure until the next day, I
was told.
We were all sitting, waiting, inside Lisa's house when Sulu
returned, entering through the rear door - closest to the
Matanzari track - and beginning the account of his mission
before he even sat down. Sarikun had agreed to the scheme,
though her husband had been less clear about his stand,
having had a lot to say.
Mo kun,
said Lisa: "It is good." I couldn't follow Tokito Meresin's
comments in Tohsiki, but my general, impression was that
his reaction, along with everybody else's, was favourable,
and I thought - mistakenly - this meant that the match was
now arranged. There was no need for further discussions
that day, and shortly afterwards we set off on our journey
to the South Coast, Tokito Meresin, Timol and I.
I heard no more about the matter for more than three weeks.
Then one day Tokito Meresin appeared again at Kuvutana,
accompanied by his married son Krai Pro, and young Timol.
They were carrying rolls of barbed wire that they had
bought on the coast, to use to fence in a paddock for
cattle.
Those were rainy days. By now it was mid-June, and we
should have been well into the part of the year they
called
ran i alo,
"days of sun", but it didn't show in the weather.
The
ran i usa,
"days of rain", continued with few interruptions, and
Tokito Meresin was forced to spend several days at Truvos
before being able to return again to the Nakere plantation.
This was the setting for another attempt at arranging a
bride for Kavero. Sulu and Tokito Meresin set off into the
rain, heading for Lahoi’s new house on the far side
of Paen, the grassy hillock separating Kuvutana from
Vorozenale. They were going to ask for Vetrivu,
Lahoi’s grown-up daughter.
They were gone a long time. By the time they returned I had
left with Vanlal to gather
mape (6)
chestnuts,
so I missed their initial account of the expedition on
returning home. But at evening kava in Popoi's house I
learned that the outcome was negative. Lahoi had said no,
pointing to the substantial difference in age between his
teenage daughter and Kavero.
Sulu and Tokito Meresin had then proceeded to Matanzari,
where they had asked the hand of Tinon, the eldest daughter
of Sarikun and Matai. Matai had refused.
There
was also talk about some leaves placed somewhere by Tokito
Meresin, but I couldn't work out what that was all about.
Time would tell.
6.16 Tokito Meresin's leaves
One
night after dark a worried Memei brought me little Semis,
feverish. The boy had fallen ill that afternoon, and
fearing for his life Memei had chosen not to wait until the
next morning, but set out for Truvos in spite of the late
hour.
I thought it was a storm in a teacup. The boy was clearly
unwell, but not dramatically so - it could well have been
left until the morning. But Memei and I were good friends
by now, and I treated his boy there and then. Afterwards
Memei, seemingly satisfied and a lot calmer, took Semis up
to Sulu's house, where they spent the night.
The day after there was talk about Memei's visit, and
Tokito Meresin's leaves. I now got an explanation of that
matter. After the recent refusals when he and Sulu had
asked for a wife for Kavero, Tokito Meresin had retaliated
with a taboo. No one was to come to Sulu again for
maumau.
Tokito Meresin had tied some leaves to a dead tree outside
Sulu's house as a token of the prohibition - they were the
leaves I had heard talk about
volin vokai rau,
"the price of the leaves" - of going against
the ban - was five fowls. Tokito Meresin had stipulated the
fine at the time. But last night, after Memei had been to
see me with his son, he had also turned to Sulu for
maumau,
breaking the ban. Memei had
zalai vokai rau:
"cooked, the leaves". Would he have to pay? No one knew for
sure, but it was likely, from what people said.
I went and looked at the leaves -
lo non Tokito Meresin,
"Tokito Meresin's law", as I had heard them described.
Though they were by now shriveled in the sun I still
recognised two of them: cycad and coconut. Another two
leaves in the bundle were strange to me. They were all tied
together with a bit of vine to the top of a small and
branchless tree trunk, standing like a signpost on the side
of Sulu's house that slopes down towards the rest of the
Kuvutana dwellings.
I knew the
mele
- the cycad - to be a traditional taboo sign. I had seen it
used in that capacity at Namoro, tied to a stick in the
ground in front of a pile of sprouting coconuts.
Lo blong mi
(B), Sulu had explained, "My law". He had put the leaf
there to warn people not to carry off his planting
material.
Another few days later Ai Rovo brought one of his children
from Palakori to Kuvutana in search of Sulu's services. He
stopped by in Lisa's house to discuss the leaves, unsure of
their significance: did they apply to him too? The general
agreement inside the house was that
mo kai lo senani sineke:
"it is not a law for/of this place." They called it
lo senani tavaluni Ari,
"a law for/of the other side of Ari." Reassured of local
support for his action Ai Rovo proceeded up to Sulu's house
with his offspring.
Eventually Memei came to pay - some time later he brought
two fowls to Sulu. Sulu, who seemed more than anything
embarrassed by this, refused to accept more than one of the
birds, sending the other one back with Memei, for Tokito
Meresin. But there was never any talk of Ai Rovo having to
pay any fowls for consulting Sulu.
I wondered about this affair. Why should one
kleva
forbid people to make use of the services of another? The
reason given by those who told me about it was that Tokito
Meresin was
masulu,
"angry", because of the refused requests for a wife for
Kavero. But why did he vent his anger in such a peculiar
form? The action certainly wasn't directed against Sulu -
the two
kleva
were good friends, to the extent of sharing a small cattle
paddock project. Was it perhaps part of a joint scheme to
help Sulu get some material benefit out of his craft - he
had had difficulties with this in the past, in his dealings
with Maliu Esea, as I had heard. Or was Sulu genuinely
tired of the constant stream of patients - an attitude I
sympathised with easily - and Tokito Meresin helping to
give him a break? I don't know, and there is now no way of
telling - these are only my own attempts to make more sense
out of what otherwise seems obscure.
6.17 Children, sex and
vavaulu
Vekrai
had visitors in the rear of the house - some village women,
weaving their mats and baskets in the warmth next to the
steaming oven in the centre of her floor. As usual, local
issues of all kinds were being aired.
Vekrai complained to the others about children and sex.
-Someone had overhead little Aki say to Alo Ran’s son
Vulu:
Kera vano taitai,
"Let's go have sex". They had then disappeared up to Truvos
and down into the cattle paddock together.
A to reve vokai nora koro,
said Vekrai. "They are pulling their cocks."
Koro,
meaning "riverfish", was so common a euphemism for male
genitals that it had become like just another four-letter
word. She complained about children who
taitai stil,
"have secret sex", and suggested that Kala - another one of
Alo Ran's sons, well into his teens -
mo to male Vetrivu,
"he keeps wanting Vetrivu", Lahoi’s mature daughter,
still not married.
Indeed, there had been a recent incident one night at a
dance feast when Kala had
tikeli na susuni Vetrivu,
"touched
Vetrivu’s breast".
He had only reached out to poke the fire according to his
own protestations. They would all have to
vavaulu.
said Vekrai.
When Aki came home later in the day, his irate mother
received him with questions about what he had done down in
the cattle paddock. Vemala accused him of
taitai,
her voice stumbling with anger. Little Aki denied this,
simply repeating several times a meek
Kiai!
- "No!"
6.18
Vavaulu:
Linsus
Old
man Linsus arrived at Kuvutana to attend a small feast in
my honour, seven weeks before my final departure for New
Zealand. He came into Lisa's house through the rear door,
sat down on a guests, mat in the next space along the wall
from my own sleeping place, and talked for a while with the
other people assembled inside - some of them guests and
some of them local People. Then he turned towards me and
complained of-a headache.
Accustomed by then to people beating around the bush and
rarely speaking a request straight out, I took the cue and
offered him some aspirin. As I handed them to him with a
cupful of water I told him, half jokingly, that he would
have to
vavaulu.
Without further ado Linsus fell into a twenty minute
monologue, relating two incidents that had taken place at a
recent feast at Leasvaravara, a village in the far-off
Peiorai watershed.
One of the episodes concerned banter with some of the women
present at that feast. They kept calling him over to where
they were sitting, said Linsus, urging him to cut up more
meat and cook it.
Ku somai vati vai uro!
Quoted Linsus, caught up in telling his story to all who
wanted to listen. “Come and fetch the
pot!”
Uro
meant “pot”, but it was also a common euphemism
for female genitals. Clearly the women had been having him
on.
Eventually Linsus had responded:
Kai pita! Ka kalikomeu nan!
“Women! I’ll swear at you next!” He
repeated this line three times for everybody inside
Lisa’s house to hear, chuckling loudly at what he
obviously thought was a good joke.
The other occurrence that he related was a
varavara
about a lock forced open and ruined by someone, with money
being paid in compensation. It had involved some heated
arguments, and Linsus gave all the details, from beginning
to end, though he himself had not been one of the
protagonists.
Some time later, in a discussion with some local people
criticising those who came to me for medicine but
didn’t
vavaulu,
I mentioned that Linsus had confessed to me.
Mo vavaulu ini na sava?
“What did he confess?” came the
response.
Nona masulu?
“His anger?”
6.19
Vavaulu:
Krai Tui, Eilili and I
Krai Tui from Duria came to see me with a cough. Eilili too
was coughing. We made a fire on Eilili’s verandah to
sterilize my needles for penicillin injections for both of
them.
As we sat there waiting for the water to boil, Eilili
volunteered a confession. He had danced with a woman at
a
velu
at far-off Malmarivu, at the edge of the northern
flatlands, on the far side of the Peiorai river. He
had
iki na susuna,
he said: “squeezed her breasts.”
Krai Tui now offered a confession of his own. His offence
was the same as Eilili’s, at a dance at Namoro. Then
they turned to me. I also had a cough; I too should
vavaulu.
What had I done, they asked. What about that woman I know
at Canal – had I made love to her? No, I replied
truthfully. They then told me that even the thought of sex
was enough – for example, when dancing with a woman
at a
velu, Ku ronoa nom taitai mo is kilan, ku mas vavaulu
inia!
“If you feel that your penis is very hard, you must
confess it!”
Again I scrutinized my memory for sexual transgressions,
and finally came up with an offence in a similar vein to
Krai’s and Eilili’s, from one of my last supply
trips to Canal. So in the end I too
vavaulu
to my two companions.
A few days later I again discussed
vavaulu
with Eilili. He told me that if you don’t
vavaulu, maumau
will fail.
Conversely, if you treat a sick person with spells two or
three times, and he doesn’t get better, you can
assume that he is hiding some moral transgression –
that he hasn’t
vavaulu.
In that case you might as well abandon the spells,
isei i pai maumau maloko la a kai to
vavaulu?
Asked Eilili in customary rhetorical form:
“Who’s going to tire himself out with weaving
spells when they don’t confess?”
6.20
Ria
and
Tamate
As part of my continual effort to improve my Kiai I made a
habit of remembering strange words that I heard people use,
in order to ask someone later about their meaning or use,
and so keep my vocabulary steadily expanding.
Remembering the word from a past conversation, I asked
Kavten about
pataika.
He answered by translating it into Bislama:
devel.
Slightly put out by again finding obscured what I thought
of as finer distinctions carried in the Kiai terminology of
spirits, I asked Kavten whether he meant
ria
or
tamate,
or what.
I am no longer able to recall his exact words, but
Kavten’s reply left me thinking that he meant
that
pataika, ria
and
tamate
were just different names for the same thing, echoing
Sulu’s similar interpretation of
ria, tamate
and
aviriza
during our discussion of these matters in New Zealand.
This brought the issue fresh back to mind. I had suspected
Sulu to be deceiving me then, perhaps simplifying things
for my benefit, hiding the finer differences between kinds
of spirits. With Kavten proposing a similar simplification,
things now appeared in a new light. Maybe the simpler
account was as prevalent a version of the spirit realm as
the more differentiated one, at least in the younger
generation – both Kavten and Sulu were still only in
their twenties.
Because of my puzzlement I broached Eilili on the same
subject. I told him about Kavten’s claim that
ria
and
tamate
were the same, and asked if this was really so.
No, said Eilili – younger than both Sulu and Kavten
–
ria
was one thing, and
tamate
another.
Kavten mo korei:
“Kavten is wrong”.
Tamate were takun a te mate:
“men that have died.” They lived in the bush,
said Eilili. When we die (mate),
he explained,
nonoaka a to ru la popa i au:
‘our souls they roam about in the forest.” They
were the
tamate.
Taleku,
he added: “I think.” He told me that he
wasn’t sure about these things; this was just his own
understanding of what he had heard other people say.
Na kai pinisia:
“I don’t know.”
I told Eilili that I had heard that
tamate
lived inside old hollow tree-fern trunks – I
remembered this detail from the stories about
“devils” that I had recorded during my first
field trip. Eilili confirmed this, and added that ria on
the other hand lived inside rocks – a difference in
their habits, testifying to their difference as kinds of
beings.
Only a few days later Lisa quite inadvertently corroborated
what Eilili had said about the fate of the soul after
death, as we were drinking kava by ourselves in
Lisa’s house early one evening.
We had been talking about New Zealand and the Maori people,
when Lisa volunteered that in Kiai
mauri
was the word for when people hear a noise in the bush or
outside the front door.
Maurini tuape,
they would say then: “Someone’s spirit.”
It meant that someone somewhere was very ill, close to
dying.
Maurina mo te vano la popa i au,
said Lisa: “His spirit has gone to the forest.
“People would then try spells to rectify this
condition.
Maumau senana tauae:
“There are spells for it.” But if the
maumau
failed to bring the wandering spirit back to the body of
the patient, he or she would die.
In the interchange following this revelation Lisa also
confirmed what I had long suspected was the local theory of
dreams, but never had heard stated in unequivocal terms
– that dreams are the experiences of the spirit,
roaming at night while the body lies asleep.
Not long after I asked Lisa about
ria
and
tamate.
Were they the same or different? He told me they were
different, though they were both basically people.
Tamate
were the dead. But in the past old people used not to die,
they only ran out of power. They would sit, immobile, with
their kneecaps high over their heads and their eyes open.
Some of them would throw away their sleeping-mat and other
belongings, sweep up after themselves, and just disappear.
They became
ria.
Both
tamate
and
ria
ate a lot of people in the past, said Lisa. One of their
ways was to pose as people; take the shape even of people
that you knew well, to trick you – a theme I
recognised from some of the tales I had heard about the
“devils”.
6.21
Pataika
and
ani malino
Two weeks before I had left Santo mountains for the last
time to begin my journey home, I had another attack of
malaria. This was a bit unexpected, as I took the
prescribed suppressants regularly. But it had happened
before, and my symptoms left little room for doubt about
the diagnosis. It started with chills and shivers that
turned into shakes as I returned in the late afternoon with
firewood from one of Lisa’s abandoned gardens just
across the stream Vorokus from the Vunpepe track where it
leaves the grassy slopes of Truvos and enters the bush. Bu
dusk I had a crippling headache and was sweating with fever
on my mat by my fire inside Lisa’s house, too weak
and miserable to move.
A visitor to the house asked Vekrai what was wrong with me.
Through a haze of pain and fever I heard her reply.
Vai pataika mo ese sinetsivo Vorokus mo vara
inia,
she said. “The
pataika
down at Vorokus talked about him.”
From the way she said it, I guessed that there was known to
be a
ria
living by the Vorokus stream.
Ria
were said to live by streams, and to cause malarial
symptoms. Vekrai knew I had been there that same afternoon;
her diagnosis seemed only to be expected.
Dysentery followed the malaria, and I had barely recovered
from this when I developed another bad cough. Lisa, hearing
me hacking away from across the room, commented to
Vekrai:
Mo ani malino e mo toma?
“Has he eaten malino or what?”
I recognised the idiom from similar circumstances during my
second field trip, and jumped at the opportunity to ask
anew the meaning of
malino.
Zalo mo to leo la panem,
explained Lisa. “The illness is in your
stomach.”
Na ani malino, na ani na sava?
I persisted, hoping for a more precise answer: “What
have I eaten when I have eaten
malino?”
Vekrai replied in Lisa’s stead, saying perhaps
arivi mo ese mo ani na sube i
am:
“a rat has eaten a bit of your food.”
I drew the conclusion that to
ani malino
meant to eat any foodstuff that had been made unwholesome,
whether by being tasted by a rat, or “dreamed”
by a
tamate
– the explanation that Lisa had offered last time I
queried the word.
Later that day I sought out Sulu, to ask him too about
eating
malino.
His reply reiterated what Vekrai had told me: eating
malino
was for example eating food eaten by a rat. I then asked if
eating food dreamed by a
tamate
also was to eat
malino.
Yes, said Sulu – if the
tamate
had talked about it.
Provided with the opportunity, I tried again to probe this
“talking” attributed to
ria, tamate
and
aviriza
alike. I mentioned Vekrai’s interpretation of my
attack of fever the other day – that a
pataika
had talked about me – asking what it said. Did it say
my name, or what?
Sulu didn’t know. People just called it talking, he
said. He couldn’t tell me any more about it.
6.22 Review
And here the tale ends: that was the last of the many
incidents chosen to illuminate our topic. Only a week later
I left Kuvutana. Another four days on the coast and I was
leaving Santo. My last memory of my mountain friends is
from my cramped seat inside an Air Melanesie Trilander.
Lisa, Mol Paroparo, Eilili, Tokito Meresin and many others
who had come to see me off were only a throng of dark
bodies with arms waving, crowded into the visitors’
enclosure next to the low white painted building that
served as passenger lounge at Pekoa airfield, as the plane
gathered speed across the grass clad runway and took to the
air, bound south for Port Vila; me bound for home.
My thinking about the
kleva
this last trip was dominated by one theme: revelation. I
was gradually coming to realize the special role the
kleva
played in the production of the unseen.
The unseen: by this I mean that sphere of invisible powers
and beings manifest to ordinary people only in and through
the impact on the everyday world of their hidden
activities. These were matters that people tended to talk
about in terms of just such visible signs – what at
the time of my first field trip I had taken as an empirical
orientation on part of the local people, the most recent
example being Lisa’s stunning comment that a
mauri
was a noise in the bush – stressing that they had not
seen it with their own eyes.
But unlike ordinary people, the
kleva
were able to “see” these things. Kinglu had
seen who was killing Patua with sorcery by using a bit of
his loincloth, and Sulu had seen Patua’s
patua
– both feats of seeing referred to as
mo matalesia:
“he ‘eye-saw’ it”, by others. Sulu
had also seen witches snooping around the doors of the
Kuvutana houses during the recent proliferation of
disputes, which called to mind the attack on Sulu by three
witches early in my second stay on Santo that he told us
about months later – he had identified one of them as
Tavui Pro from the Moris-speaking area south-east of
Truvos.
It was also the
kleva
who removed
vezeveze,
producing them for all to see; tokens of the hidden work of
some malicious sorcerer. And the Zaraparo
kleva
who plucked a stone from Lulu’s aching jaw had
revealed that Mol Sale was the man responsible, compounding
his fearsome reputation for “bad things” by
adding
vezeveze
to
patua.
At other times they revealed the action – mostly
“talking” – of spirits causing disease,
like the Duria
devel
that once sent me into a fit of fever, or the
aviriza
responsible for Varalapa’s eye condition.
Of course there were other people than the
kleva
who spoke about witchcraft, sorcery or spirits lying behind
everyday events – take for example the many lay
diagnoses of Patua’s long illness, or the discussion
following the death of Krai Kule. But while other
people’s interpretations were known to be only
inference and guesswork, the
kleva
revelations were supposed to be accurate accounts of what
had actually taken place, unseen by all but the gifted few.
Not all of this oblique production of the unseen by
the
kleva
relied on their extraordinary powers of perception. Just as
ordinary people acknowledged the unseen in their
precautions against witches and sorcerers – secret
travel plans, not walking alone, carrying firearms,
carefully disposing of food leavings, and so on – so
the
kleva
gave existence to these agents in efforts to combat their
deadly impact on the community. Patua’s
bisnes
– calling meetings and urging people to confess
their
patua
so that he could get rid of them – though directed
against witchcraft, appears simultaneously as a public
confirmation of their existence: their intended destruction
becomes also their continued reproduction. It was the same
with Sulu’s public speech against
vezeveze
and other forms of sorcery – and the absence of
confessions in response implies that the holders of these
destructive powers won’t cast them aside, but persist
in their evildoings. Even Sulu forbidding
valavala
singing at Truvos can be seen in a similar light: a
protective measure against
aviriza
that reflects and acknowledges their power to inflict
disease.
There was more. The realization that you had to keep secret
the killing of a were animal until the death of the witch
had made me reconsider the circumstances surrounding the
death of Mol Sahau of Tonvara. Mol Kleva had shot him in
the shape of a cat. When I asked Pos Vea how they knew that
the cat was Mol Sahau’s
nonoa,
he told me that the Tonvara chief had died within a few
days of the shooting, as if the contiguity of the two
events in time was the evidence. But the secrecy injunction
indicated a different sequence: did Mol Kleva perhaps not
tell people about killing the cat until after the death of
Mol Sahau? The onus of the evidence for the dead man having
been a witch was then on Mol Kleva – another
kleva
turning a dead man into a witch through posthumous
revelations, as I had heard Sulu do with Patua?
Taken together, it all cast the
kleva
in a key role in the production of the unseen. They seemed
to depend on each other; without a
kleva
to reveal it, the unseen would remain largely undetected,
while conversely, without the unseen to reveal, the
kleva
would remain undetected. You couldn’t really have one
without the other; they belonged together like the revealer
and the revealed, emerging simultaneously in and through
revelation, the core art of the
kleva.
Revelation played a crucial part also in several other
circumstances, continuing the theme of disclosure that I
had noticed already during my first visit to Santo.
Naming your attacker was your only defense when assailed
by
patua,
just as naming a spirit prankster would make it stop
bothering you. And
maumau
for curing illness caused by the dead also worked through
identifying those responsible, whether
tamate, aviriza
or
ria.
The importance of revelation also showed in its opposite:
secrecy. You had to keep secret the killing of a were
animal – if it were revealed the witch would not die.
You had to keep secret your travel plans – if they
were revealed a witch might wait in ambush along your path.
Not to mention secret charms for
vezeveze,
rain, curing or contraception, revealed to the few by
spirits in dreams, and liable to lose their effectiveness
if further revealed to other people.
Revelation was also the substance of
vavaulu,
the confession of hidden transgressions – a practice
whose signficance was now becoming clearer to me.
Eilili had told me that during with
maumau
will not work if people don’t
vavaulu.
What a powerful incentive to confess, I thought. If after
some
maumau
the patient hasn’t improved, the implication would be
that some immorality remained unconfessed. This had indeed
been Kavten’s interpretation of Patua’s
illness. Eilili had hinted that in such a situation the
treatment may be withdrawn – why bother with charms
to cure someone who won’t even cooperated to the
extent of confessing? It suggested that you had to
vavaulu
for a curer to go to the trouble of healing you.
On the other hand, the offender could be someone other than
the patient, like a spouse. There had been talk of
Patua’s wife confessing to him, suggesting that some
indiscretion of hers was responsible for his illness. And
when Viona confessed to an affair with another man, she had
been beaten by her husband – was this just out of
sheer jealousy, or was there an element in that beating of
retribution for placing his health in jeopardy? Secret
adultery was clearly always a potential danger to either
spouse, with suspicion near at hand in case of illness. I
remembered that one of the diagnoses offered when I was ill
during my second period in the mountains had been that my
wife, back in New Zealand, had committed adultery.
It appeared as if the moral breaches that brought on
disease and had to be confessed were not limited to illicit
sex. Homicide brought disease on the killer – the
people with
patua
had to counteract this magically, by drinking the juices of
the
mata
vine, as taught by their familiars.
Disputes and anger also seemed to call for confession, or
else they would cause illness. When Linsus
vavaulu
to me, he had recounted a dispute from his recent
experience. And when Noti Uina confessed over her fever
stricken infant, she had described in great detail the
quarrels that she had been involved in recently with her
neighbours. Lisa’s comments at the time made a clear
link between anger and sickness. And Maliu Tin was clearly
alluding to the same link when at the start of my third
field trip he boasted to me at Namoro about his new
daughter’s good health, while putting the blame for
sick children at Truvos on his own detractors’
hard-headedness.
I pondered the implications of
masulu
being a matter for confession. If harbouring anger brought
on disease, this made quarrels and disputing doubly
dangerous. There was not only the risk of retaliation from
a vengeful witch or sorcerer; there was also the direct
threat of sickness within the community, attracted by the
anger accompanying contention.
Changing your residence under such circumstances now seemed
a perfectly reasonable strategy. Lisa had talked about
sleeping in garden houses after Sulu saw
patua
at Kuvutana one night; Noti Uina, and in the past some
Kuvutana women, had threatened to move due to disputes; and
Maliu Tin and family had indeed left Vorozenale to live at
Morvari after quarreling with some of the local people. The
story about the sudden abandonment of the old
Moris-speaking settlement at Moruas when a local man eloped
with a married woman from Duria now seemed more reasonable.
Some of the reforms of the past now also stood out in a new
light, particularly the succession of changes to the local
marriage regulations. Marriage appeared to be the bone of
contention supreme in the area. This last field trip there
had been difficulties over finding a bride for Kavero;
there had been ill-feeling in connection with two cases of
adultery; and at least some people drew a link between
Patua’s death and the longstanding trouble over his
marriage. Also during my past visits to the island I had
noticed disputes over women, like Mol Paroparo’s
daughter, Ravu Puepues wife, and the Patunvava woman
promised to Mol Sale’s son. And the death of Krai
Kule had been blamed on trouble over his liaison with
Vemaliu from Ravoa, and an unpaid bride price.
I had been told that Avuavu tried limiting bride prices to
three pigs. Zek had abolished them completely, together
with the rules of exogamy. Mol Valivu had advocated direct
exchange of women. Seen as attempts to simplify marriage,
to make it easier and less likely to lead to disputes,
these reforms now seemed less strange. Marriages were a
major source of contention, and as such contributed to the
disease and death that threatened the mountain people with
extinction.